Thursday, September 30, 2010

[olympiaworkers] Interview with the Seattle Solidarity Network (SeaSol), 2010

Libcom.org

Libcom interviews a member of the Seattle Solidarity Network, a direct
action group that is dedicated to winning small fights against bosses and
landlords over issues such as unpaid wages and stolen deposits.

Who are you?
I'm Matt, currently unemployed and living in Seattle, having moved here
from England six years ago. I've been a member of Seattle Solidarity
Network since it started. Before that I was in the IWW in Seattle and
various anarchist groups, such as the Anarchist Federation in the UK.

Briefly, what is the group?
Seattle Solidarity Network (SeaSol) is a small workers' and tenants'
mutual aid group that focuses on winning small fights against bosses and
landlords, over issues such as unpaid wages and stolen deposits, through
the use of collective action in the form of pickets and demonstrations.

How big is it and what dates was it active from?
It's hard to say exactly how big SeaSol is. If we quantify it by official
membership, which has only recently been introduced, around sixty. Ten to
forty people turn up to the average action, and we have a contact list of
around four hundred people - I'm guessing that at least half have
participated in one or more actions or events. The 'organising team' - the
people who have agreed to a slightly higher level of commitment, who do
most of the day to day work such as manning the phone tree, answering
calls and meeting with new people - is made up of around a dozen members.

SeaSol started in the last months of 2007 and is still going strong.

How did it get started?
It got started because a small group of us, mostly IWW members and
anarchists in Seattle, were frustrated with our current lack of activity.
The Seattle IWW general membership branch was too small and lacking in
resources to attempt to organise any workplaces - the best we could do
would be offer training and support to any workers who approached us
interested in unionising their workplace, something that happens only
occasionally and hasn't yet progressed to an organising drive. My own
perspective originated from frustration with symbolic and ineffectual
anti-war and anti-globalisation protests and anarchist propaganda groups
that had limited relevance to most people's lives, including my own.

SeaSol started from a mixture of notions such as trying to create a flying
picket squad or a direct action casework group in the vein of OCAP. Some
members had a minor experience with wage reclaiming, in an individual case
where a friend had been hired for one day at a restaurant and then told
she was no longer needed and would not be paid as it was a "training day"
- by turning up at the restaurant as a large group, they forced the owner
to pay her. Another member already had a website and email list for strike
support news in Seattle, so we put it to a new use as well as taking its
name.

At the beginning we did not have a clear idea of exactly what we would do
but decided to focus on supporting workers and tenants in struggles, in
ways where we could win immediate gains rather than getting bogged down in
everlasting campaigns. Also in ways that would benefit ourselves if we
ever got into a conflict with our own bosses or landlords. For that
purpose we designed two posters: "Problems with your boss?" and "Problems
with your landlord? Contact us." We put these posters up around Seattle,
got a few phone calls, and that's how it started!

Why were more other more traditional organisations (e.g. trade unions) not
appropriate?
We wanted to do it ourselves, not through some other organisation.
Persuading some other group to take up this relatively unknown approach
would have been a waste of time. It made sense to create SeaSol as a
separate organisation from the IWW for various reasons - we would not be
subject to secondary picketing laws, not all the initial people involved
were IWW members, and it would allow us to be more flexible. The various
bureaucratic NGOs and unions were too slow moving to take or even follow
initiative in the area of small housing and work-related fights, anyway.

What problems did you come up against at first? How did you overcome them?
As I've mentioned above, we didn't initially have a very clear idea of
what we were going to do - that became clearer as we went on. At first I
was skeptical about the idea that posters would actually generate valid
campaigns we could involve ourselves in - but it worked. One of the first
few calls we received was from a shipyard worker who was pissed off about
the bad conditions and the complacency of his union in his workplace - so
we got together with him and made some flyers that he would distribute in
his workplace. Unfortunately this approach didn't work, there was little
interest from his co-workers and all we received was an angry phone call
from one of the union officials for that workplace. We didn't really have
a coherent plan for how to approach this campaign. Over time we would
develop a set of tactics and ways of doing things. As we went along and
won a series of fights, we gained allies and recognition from other
groups, something we were lacking at the beginning.

Which remained problems the whole time?
Retaining the involvement of people who approached us for help has often
been a problem. We always state that Seattle Solidarity Network isn't a
charity or social work, it's a mutual support network, which means we
expect that if we help you in your fight, you will help others in other
fights. Often, people will stay involved and participate in a few actions
other than their own for a month or two but then not be heard from again.
However, some people who initially contacted us for support in their
struggle have taken a more active role and joined the organising team, and
many that don't do that keep participating for months after their fight
has been won. With the introduction of membership, and a greater clarity
about what being a part of SeaSol is, it looks like we're starting to keep
people involved more. I expect that some people will always leave after
their own fight is won - that shouldn't dishearten us.

Another issue that was pointed out by a former organiser is that there is
a 'demographic disparity' between the organising team and the people who
often approach us for help in their fights. That is to say, the core
activists are mostly white, and the people with the issues are more often
from ethnic minorities. This may be an obstacle for some people to get
more involved in the group. There isn't much we can do, except keep
fighting and as we grow, our organisation will attract people from a wider
range of backgrounds. This seems to be happening as we gradually pick up
people from the fights we've been involved in.

One problem we've noticed in workplace-related fights is that some
employees, if for example they are faced with a picket outside the
restaurant they work in, buy into the management's side of the story and
resent our presence which results in reduced business and therefore lost
tips for them. We've successfully started countering this by making a
collection amongst the demonstrators to make up for the lost tips, and
clearly explaining to workers that we are not against them, we are against
their boss. We need to keep doing this, and start communicating more with
workers before beginning a campaign.

When did things start to gain momentum/take off?
It took over four months since we first started putting posters up. Our
first real fight was when we were contacted by some people living in the
Greenlake Motel. This "motel" was really a pay by the week long term
residence for people who couldn't pass the checks necessary to get higher
quality, lower cost housing - because they had a criminal record or bad
credit or housing history, or couldn't afford the usual first and last
month's plus a damage deposit of rented housing. They had seen our poster
and complained of terrible living conditions - mould, leaks, broken
heating, etc. After some door knocking to gauge the situation some SeaSol
members and tenants drew up a demand letter listing the repairs that
needed to be made. We gathered a couple of dozen people and with one of
the tenants (unfortunately the other tenants were too nervous about being
evicted) we went to the landlords' more respectable hotel and delivered
the demand letter to the perplexed receptionist.

A few days later the landlords went round each flat and made the necessary
repairs, while warning the tenants not to talk to "those communists". This
was our first significant success. This wasn't the end of the Greenlake
Motel story though - a few months later, we were contacted again - the
motel had been condemned by the Health Department. The tenants, since they
were technically short term motel residents and therefore not entitled to
the same legal protections as regular tenants, were facing immediate
eviction. They were more willing to fight as a group this time, and won
relocation assistance (three months' worth of rent each) to move to better
places.

What struggles were you involved in?
Since the beginning of 2008, we've started at least 21 fights and won 17
of them. The issues being fought range from unpaid wages to unfair
evictions. For a comprehensive list, our website lists almost every fight
we've been involved in - apart from a handful that never got off the
ground or were resolved before we had to take action.

This very short video gives a good overview of the past year's fights.

As you'll note the struggles are rather small scale, involving an issue
that only affects one or a small number of workers or tenants, who have
often left their old job or rental situation. This is the main limitation
of our current organising method. However we don't see this as a huge
obstacle because we aren't intending to limit ourselves to just these
small fights forever. Instead we view them as first steps to more
ambitious projects. As we build up experience, confidence, membership, a
support base, contacts, reputation and so on, we intend to branch out into
other forms of organisation, such as helping set up and assisting tenants'
and workplace groups. We are committed to a flexible, experimental
approach. I view these small fights as a training ground for class
struggle organising, from which we can progress to bigger, more
collective, more prolonged projects.

What types of action did you take?
Every fight starts with a 'demand delivery' like the one linked here. We
turn up as a large group at the boss or landlord's office or business. The
person with the issue hands a demand letter stating what needs to be done
to the boss by a certain deadline of one or two weeks. This is basically a
show of strength - the worker or tenant is supported by a large group of
people - and a warning. The boss or landlord can give in now, or there
will be trouble later.

If we're lucky, the boss or landlord will give in before the deadline. If
not, we start an escalating campaign. We start fairly small, then increase
the pressure by adding more types of actions, more often, of increasing
size. Our mainstay is a picket of a dozen or so people outside the enemy's
place of business. If it's a restaurant or shop, this often proves
economically devastating, reducing sales by half or more during the times
we are there. Other techniques we use are poster campaigns to turn away
prospective tenants, public embarrassment by leafleting the boss's church
or neighbourhood, interfering with suppliers or business partners, phone
and internet actions, and anything else we can think of. We try to be
pretty imaginative.

What links did you have with other groups of workers? (Other sectors,
other countries, political groups, etc.)
We occasionally cooperate with the comite de defensa trabajadora of Casa
Latina, the more direct action oriented section of a local NGO. We support
each others campaigns and sometimes do joint actions. We've also done
strike support, such as turning up to the picket lines at the recent Coca
Cola strike. We were planning to support a campaign around reducing
mortgage rates by a militant section of the plumbers' union, but that
never materialised. We work closely with the IWW where applicable, most
recently by doing a solidarity action for the newly formed Jimmy Johns
Workers Union.

The newest join project is with IWSJ, a student and worker group at the
University of Washington centered around a rank and file group of
janitors. They are interested in doing SeaSol-type actions within the
low-paid immigrant communities they have good links with, and we are
interested in learning about workplace groups from them. We'll see how
that develops.

We are trying to support and encourage the formation of solidarity
networks around the world, such as the Olympia, Tacoma, and Glasgow
Solidarity Networks. We are offering support and training to new groups
whenever we can. We have also been in contact with workers' centres, which
have some similarities to SeaSol, such as the Lansing Workers Center, and
are interested in learning more about the advantages and differences with
this kind of organising.

Personally, I've been trying to convince anarchist groups and individuals
of the usefulness of setting up solidarity networks...

How open is SeaSol with their politics? Are you openly anarchist?
As an individual member I'm openly anarchist within SeaSol (as are many
others). SeaSol isn't an anarchist organisation, but it is based on
principles of mutual aid, direct action and direct democracy. While all
the founding members were anarchist or close to it, the majority of the
membership aren't necessarily. SeaSol is however an environment where
almost everyone is open to anarchist ideas, because they are a logical
extension of what we are doing - fighting together against bosses and
landlords, planning things collectively, pooling our resources, realising
that we have power together.

What have you learned from your experiences in the group?
Many things. I know that in any future job I would be far more confident
in fighting back against management. I feel more able to organise at work,
when I wouldn't really have known where to start before. It has been very
satisfying to apply anarchist ideas of direct action and solidarity and
see them work effectively. I've learnt how to view things tactically and
strategically. I've learnt how to investigate and research targets, how to
communicate better and build links with people. I've tasted collective
power. I think it's been quite an empowering experience for many of us in
SeaSol, and I hope it continues...

What lessons do you think other workers can take from your group?
That even in these times of defeat and economic depression it's still
quite feasible to fight back and win. That anarchist ideas work in real
life. That collective direct action around small issues is an effective
starting point for further struggle...

Do you have a favourite anecdote or memory related to the organisation?
It's been amusing to see bosses' anguish when things don't go their way.
They are often quite disappointed when a quick call to the police doesn't
result in our disappearance, since we are doing nothing illegal. I like
seeing the look of confusion and panic when a large group of people
suddenly invades their private space. One particularly funny memory is
being threatened with a baseball bat by a hotel owner's minion, who then
decided to call the police on us. He ended up admitting intent to assault
with a deadly weapon to the police...

If anyone has further questions please feel free to ask below.

Saturday, September 25, 2010

[olympiaworkers] Union leaders threatened with arrest

LabourStart
Where trade unionists start their day on the net.

Trade union leaders threatened with arrest following strike

 
Several union leaders and activists organizing a nationwide strike of garment factory workers in Cambodia are at risk of arrest and legal action. The five day national strike which involved 200,000 workers was called by a coalition of garment industry unions in protest at a new minimum wage set for the garment and footwear industry.
 
Last week, the Prime Minister authorized the police and local authorities to begin unspecified legal action against strike leaders. The courts are reported to have warrants ready for the arrest of nine individuals for incitement. Although the strike was temporarily suspended on 16 September following an offer of further negotiations, it is feared that the threat of legal action remains.  
 
Amnesty International has launched a global campaign which I urge you to support.
 
Activist apps for the iPhone
 
If you own a smartphone or handheld computer, you may be familiar with the concept of 'apps'.  Are unions creating apps specifically designed for these devices?  Should they?  To learn more, please listen to my latest podcast on Labour and Technology.
 
You can subscribe to all my podcasts on iTunes, here.
 
UnionBook - what are you waiting for?
 
The newly relaunched version of UnionBook is growing very quickly.  Have you signed up yet?  UnionBook now has 93 active groups and if you can't find one that interests you, start one!  Sign up today and tell your fellow union members to join you there.
 
UnionJobs
 
Many of you will be familiar with UnionJobs.com -- an excellent website where people can find jobs in trade unions.  Recently, another site has appeared claiming to do the same thing -- but is ripping off content and even directing people to non-union sites.  Be warned -- and read more here.
 
Have a great weekend.
 
Eric Lee

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Powered by PHPlist2.10.12, &copy tincan ltd

From: ericlee@labourstart.org
Date: Fri, September 24, 2010

Trade union leaders threatened with arrest following strike

Several union leaders and activists organizing a nationwide strike of
garment factory workers in Cambodia are at risk of arrest and legal
action. The five day national strike which involved 200,000 workers
was called by a coalition of garment industry unions in protest at a
new minimum wage set for the garment and footwear industry.

Last week, the Prime Minister authorized the police and local
authorities to begin unspecified legal action against strike leaders.
The courts are reported to have warrants ready for the arrest of nine
individuals for incitement. Although the strike was temporarily
suspended on 16 September following an offer of further negotiations,
it is feared that the threat of legal action remains.

Amnesty International has launched a global campaign
<http://www.amnesty.org.uk/cambodiaunions>
which I urge you to support.

Activist apps for the iPhone

If you own a smartphone or handheld computer, you may be familiar
with the concept of 'apps'. Are unions creating apps specifically
designed for these devices? Should they? To learn more, please listen
to my latest podcast
<http://media.libsyn.com/media/ericlee/podcast20100924.mp3>
on Labour and Technology.

You can subscribe to all my podcasts on iTunes, here
<http://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?id=375325692>
.

UnionBook - what are you waiting for?

The newly relaunched version of UnionBook <http://www.unionbook.org>
is growing very quickly. Have you signed up yet? UnionBook now has
93 active groups <http://www.unionbook.org/groups>
and if you can't find one that interests you, start one! Sign up
today and tell your fellow union members to join you there.

UnionJobs

Many of you will be familiar with UnionJobs.com -- an excellent
website where people can find jobs in trade unions. Recently, another
site has appeared claiming to do the same thing -- but is ripping off
content and even directing people to non-union sites. Be warned --
and read more here
<http://www.unionbook.org/profiles/blogs/this-is-a-scandal>
.

Have a great weekend.

Eric Lee

Wednesday, September 15, 2010

[olympiaworkers] Greece: Pakistani workers go on strike after police raid

Libcom.org Sep 14 2010

Today, hundreds of Pakistani migrants living and working in Skala, Laconia
took the decision to go on strike after a police attack that was unleashed
against them earlier.

After returning from their work in collecting oranges, they found the
doors of their homes and shelters closed by the owners and their employers
and their belongings on the street.

According to a common announcement of Migrant Workers Union, the Movement
Working Together Against Racism and the Fascist Threat and the Pakistani
Community of Greece, at least 500 Pakistani immigrants have nowhere to
stay.

The police pogrom against Pakistani immigrants began immediately after the
intervention of the prosecutor, which led to the arrest of an
accommodation owner in Skala and then his sentence to 58 years in prison
for the inhuman conditions in which he hosted large numbers of immigrants.

Police initially made around 60 arrests of immigrants going from house to
house, and then released them after they gave them "notes on
administrative deportation". At the same time, police created a climate of
terror to the house owners/employers, sparking the mass expulsion of
immigrants from the homes they lived.

The workers, immediately after these facts, gathered in the Square St.
Friday where they held an assembly and decided to go on strike to demand
their rights. Specifically they demand the ending of the Pakistani
immigrants workers pogrom by ensuring human housing, providing decent
wages and they requested the government to legalize the immigrants and
give asylum to refugees, something that Labour Centre of Athens has also
requested.

The Migrant Workers Union supports the decision of Pakistani immigrants to
go on strike protesting against the pogroms that now unleashed against
them and called the GSEE (General Confederation of Workers) and the Labour
Centres to actively support the strike and the fair demands of immigrant
workers.

Source http://en.contrainfo.espiv.net/2010/09/13/pakistani-workers-on-strike/

[olympiaworkers] Truck drivers and railway workers strike in Greece

Libcom.org Sep 14 2010

After the August thaw between the Greek government and the fuel carrying
truck drivers, the latter are once again showing their teeth, while
railway workers defy court ruling and strike.

The thaw between fuel carrying truck drivers and the Greek government
lasted little more than a month, and that month being August, it has
proved to be but a tactical move by the union which brought Greece to a
standstill for a week last July and forced the government to employ civil
conscription against strikers.

The new strike has led to new worries about the availability of fuel
across the country, more so as it coincides with a strike by petrol
station owners who protest against price controls imposed by the
government. The truck driver's strike began on Monday with hundreds of
trucks blocking much of the national highway entrances to Athens on North
and South. The so called 'siege of Athens' was not resolved as the
government was hoping today as the union reps declared the bilateral talks
"some more of the same old stuff". The president of the union declared
that the mobilisation will continue as drivers had no longer anything to
lose. Although the drivers have declared they will provide fuel for
hospitals, airplanes and boats, the Minister of Infrastructures Mr Reppas
retorted today that "civil conscription does not involve only the means of
transport but also the service itself", indicating that the government
will seek to persecute drivers who simply allow their vehicles to be used
by the State but refuse to drive them themselves. Drivers responded to the
Minister's belligerent stance by occupying his political offices in
Tripoli.

At the same time, despite a High Court decision that declared their labour
action illegal, the Railway Union stopped all train transport on Tuesday
while announced rolling stoppages for today, in response to plans of
privatising OSE, the State rail monopoly as part of the austerity
measures. During yesterday's strike railway workers occupied the
headquarters of OSE in Athens.

Friday, September 10, 2010

[olympiaworkers] Spanish miners block highway, railway

Sept. 10, 2010

BEMBIBRE, Spain (AFP) – About 150 miners and their supporters temporarily
blocked a highway and railroad in northern Spain Friday with burning tires
and other objects to protest against unpaid wages.

The protesters placed rocks and set fires to several car tires sending
black smoke billowing into the sky on a stretch of the railway near the
town of Bembibre, an AFP photographer on the scene said.

The protest caused delays for three regional trains transporting over 200
passengers, railroad officials said.

The miners also blocked traffic on a nearby highway by sitting on the road
and overturning heavy metal carts used to move coal in the mines before
police arrived and they dispersed.

Miners in several parts of Spain are protesting over unpaid wages and to
demand government aid to the coal industry.

Fifty miners have since September 2 refused to leave a coal mine 500
metres (1,650 feet) underground near Guardo in the northern Palencia
province until they receive the salaries they are owed for August from
mining company Union Minera del Norte (Uminsa).

They are also calling for a guaranteed level of coal purchases so as to
ensure that Spanish coal-fired power stations buy domestic coal rather
than imports.

[olympiaworkers] Occupation of Hospital Cleaners Against Precarity

Libcom.org Sep 8 2010

About 30 women spend night on roof of Municipal Office protesting their
precarious work conditions.

Yesterday, a group of hospital cleaners from the Specialized Hospital in
Dabrowa Gornicza had a meeting with their new bosses at the Municipal
Office in the presence of members of the City Council. The workers are
trying to get the city involved in the fate of the hospital staff since it
is a public hospital. Still the President of the City claims they are "not
a party" in the conflict.

The problem is that the hospital outsourced their work six years ago. The
workers became employees of a private firm called Aspen. In the last
public tender, a firm called Naprzod won and will now be their employer.

37 cleaners have refused the conditions of the new contract. They are
asking for permanent contracts with a minimum guaranteed salary. In other
words, they are also concerned that the company can cut their working
hours.

Naprzod wants to give the women 3 year contracts. Those trying to convince
the workers to accept this point out that Naprzod's contract with the
hospital, which they won in a public tender, is only three years long.

The struggle then is in fact against the outsourcing and the way people
are hired in public health care. In recent years, the majority of health
care workers have lost their labour relationship with their hospital as
part of reforms connected to the commercialization of health care in
Poland.

The cleaners had no luck talking to their new employer or the city so they
decided to occupy the office. The security guards then locked the door of
the top-floor conference room where they were meeting. In this way, they
tried to get them out, by among other things, cutting their access to
toilets. But the women were able to get onto the roof, from where their
protest became visible. They spent the night on the roof and say they are
waiting for the President of the City to speak with them.

Tuesday, September 07, 2010

[olympiaworkers] Wildcat strike in Ankara by the University Workers

Libcom.org Sep 7 2010

Wildcat strike in the Turkish capital (ankara) in one of the biggest
university hospitals by the contractual workers.

Workers in one of the biggest university hospitals in Ankara/Turkey went
to a wildcat strike over the wage dispute. It is reported that they did
not receive their wages for August and only received half of their wages
for September. The workers declared they will continue their strike till
they will receive their wages.

Source: http://www.sendika.org/yazi.php?yazi_no=32594

[olympiaworkers] The Struggle of the banana workers in Bocas de Toro (Panama)

Libcom.org Sep 6 2010

An article written by the International Communist Current on the basis of
information received from comrades in Central America. This struggle seems
to have received no publicity in the official media. It is followed by a
statement of solidarity by LECO (Liga por la Emancipación de la Clase
Obrera), a left communist group in Costa Rica

The Struggle of the banana workers in Bocas de Toro (Panama)

Various comrades and groups have sent us information and comments on this
struggle that took place recently. We are deeply grateful to them for
their collaboration and encourage them to continue. We all know that the
media is not neutral and shamelessly serves its masters, the state and
capital, sometimes implementing a total black-out on workers' struggles -
particularly those that show clear tendencies towards solidarity, self
–organisation and militancy ..., and sometimes organising scandalous
campaigns of slander as was seen recently during the Metro strike in
Madrid. It is therefore of the utmost importance that the advanced
minorities of the class rapidly communicate valuable information about
workers' struggles to each other [1].

We are not talking about cheering ourselves up by only publicising the
positive bits of struggle. The working class does not need pats on the
back. We need truthful information and shouldn't be afraid of highlighting
weaknesses, obstacles and problems.

Referring back to the struggles in Panama, we want to underline that
despite the weaknesses and limitations that the workers' struggles still
suffer from today, we are nonetheless seeing one very positive aspect:
struggles are developing simultaneously in the so-called "rich" countries
(Great Britain, Greece, France, China, Spain ...) and in the "poor"
countries (Rumania, Panama, Bangladesh, India …). This is despite the fact
that there are still huge obstacles to overcome for the unity of the
international proletariat to be fully achieved in breaking down the
barriers between workers in the "rich" and "poor" countries that the
ruling class fully utilises for its own ends.

The strike erupted on July 1st in the banana growing province of Bocas de
Toro, bordering Costa Rica. Workers were demanding unpaid wages on the one
hand and, expressing their opposition to the problems posed to it by the
new law proposed by the Martinelli government, Statute 30, which "limits
the right to strike and collective bargaining, legalises the hiring of
'scabs' and grants the police immunity by giving it rights outside the
Panamanian Constitution "[2]. This Statute 30 also has articles that
cancel the automatic payment of union contributions by the bosses. It also
includes repressive measures such as the legalisation of spying, with a
decree of the Ministry of Public Security to legalise the figure of the
"secret agent" who has a free hand to spy on and accuse anyone "engaged in
activities that harm national security, State assets, social cohesion",
which means that anyone can be denounced.

The unrest that these measures caused led to more than 10,000 people
demonstrating on June 29th in Panama City. But the combativity of the
banana workers quickly reached the centre stage of the social situation.
The strike spread quickly throughout the province. "From July 1st more
than forty pickets blocked the twenty access points to Bocas de Toro,
mobilising a huge popular suppor; and groups of indigenous people from all
the estates in the area were quick to join the struggle begun by the
banana workers' union, gathering at the barricades the workers had
organised and in the occupation of the airport, which was completely shut
down." The workers assembled at the entrance to the main city of the
province, and then led a demonstration calling for everyone to join the
struggle. These actions quickly found an echo in the solidarity of the
population, clearly expressed in the demonstrations and daily support in
the assemblies. Following some brutal police attacks, barricades were
removed from both urban roads and rural pathways. Despite pressure from
the authorities, parents decided against sending their children to school
and, in the follow up, high school students expressed their solidarity
with the struggle, completely shutting down the educational
establishments.
"In addition to indigenous and neighbouring groups, the strike of banana
workers quickly united the teachers and construction workers working on
the extension of the Panama Canal, opposed to cuts in their wages and to
some of the principal workers' leaders being sacked. Students at the
University of Panama also demonstrated, blocking the Transísmica Way in
support of the struggle of the banana workers and against Statute 30,
before also coming up against brutal repression that ended with the
detention of 157 students from the College of Arts and Crafts who joined
in blockading the Transísmica Way with students from the University of
Panama."

The government unleashed a savage crackdown. It was particularly brutal in
the town of Changuinola, at the centre of the strike in the banana
plantations. According to various sources, there were six dead and
hundreds wounded, shot by the anti-riot police ordered in by the President
of the Republic. They used pellets that caused serious damage to the eyes
of many protesters. According to one witness, "Children died in
residential areas suffocated by the tear gas. They are victims of
respiratory problems, according to the authorities who consequently do not
consider them victims of police brutality", which would add to the number
of dead. Another witness said that "the police went searching homes and
hospitals for the injured to imprison them. With no warrants of any kind
they carried out raids on the homes, and right up to the Presbytery they
have carried out arrests. They have tortured, beaten up, intimidated and
abused ...."

The unions workers stab the workers in the back

In the face of this brutal repression, the union leaders immediately
offered the government an olive branch. Negotiations between government
representatives and the union, Sitraibana [3] opened on the 11th. The
union called for the resumption of work under the terms of an agreement
whose only demand satisfied was the withdrawal of certain articles of as a
whole Statute 30, which would have abolished the employers' payments to
the unions! The union was shameless in looking after its own specific
interests and has disregarded the workers' demands and the violent attack
that Statute 30 represented!

Some sectors of workers have opposed a return to work and remained on
strike until July 14th, daily protests across the whole population were
not quashed, and on July 18th there were demonstrations across the country
as a sign of mourning for workers killed.

To calm the situation down, "Martinelli and Co have visited Bocas de Toro
as if they were still on the election trail, offering gifts, with false
promises and weak excuses without acknowledging the scale of government
responsibility for the massacre of people. The media did not broadcast any
more of the many demonstrations of popular protest against what was,
without doubt, an affront to the dignity of the people."

In addition, the President organised a Commission of Inquiry, composed of
government, employer, religious and trade union representatives, to "shed
light on what happened in the province of Bocas de Toro between 5th and
13th July, 2010" and a 'Round Table' was set up to "examine the working
conditions of workers in the banana plantations", which, as one of the
messages we have received says "is a commission of me and me."

By combining the carrot and stick, fierce repression with displays of
dialogue and parliamentary action, the Panamanian bourgeoisie appears to
have emerged victorious from this conflict, having toughened and degraded
working and living conditions and strengthened repression and the hand of
the bosses. Some dissident unions promised a "general strike" without
fixing a date.

Some lessons

Union control of the struggle led to the workers being served up with
their hands and feet tied. Initially, the Sitraibana has shown itself to
be combative and all the leftist organisations and unions cited it as a
"model". This "radical" reputation allowed its leaders to make a 180º turn
around and draw up an "agreement" with the government that demobilised the
workers despite some resistance having been expressed. This shows us that
workers, whether unionised or non-unionised, need to take collective
control of their struggles by wresting it from the hands of the
treacherous trade unions, and need massive assemblies open to others
workers, in order to monitor the day to day developments of the struggle,
the negotiations, the actions needed, etc.. These measures are vital so
that the solidarity, camaraderie, collective strength, heroism and the
consciousness that develop in the struggle are not wasted and lost,
causing disillusionment and demoralisation.

The fact that the province of Bocas de Toro is one of the poorest areas of
the country, inhabited by many indigenous oppressed and impoverished
tribes, has been a heavy burden on the struggle and has contributed to it
being led off course from a truly proletarian and autonomous struggle. The
strike was the signal for a major wave of popular discontent. This is
positive when the proletariat is able to channel this discontent onto its
own class terrain against capital and the state. However, it is negative
and weakens the proletariat as well as the emancipation of these social
strata, if - as happened in this fight – it becomes an inter-classist
mobilisation that emerges in favour of "restoring the democratic freedoms
under attack by Statute 30" and "the implementation by central government
of some investments in the neglected province" in order to give
"recognition to the ancestral rights of the indigenous peoples".

When the struggle sinks into this populist quagmire, there is just ONE
WINNER, CAPITAL. It never declares its real interests for what they are –
its own selfish interests at the expense of the vast majority - but
dresses them up in the false disguises of "the people" and "citizens", of
"social rights" and other meaningless drivel. These deceptions take away
the proletariat's identity and class autonomy and thus succeed in
disarming it and all the oppressed population along with it.
ICC (July 27, 2010)

[1] We warmly welcome the ESPAREVOL Forum (in Spanish), which makes a
significant effort to gather news and find press releases on workers'
struggles. See
http://esparevol.forumotion.net/noticias-informaciones-y-comunicados-obreros-f9/

[2] The quotations are from information received from different comrades.

[3] Sitraibana: Trade union of workers in the banana industry.

************************************************************************************************
Solidarity with the workers of Panama: Statement by LECO (Liga por la
Emancipación de la Clase Obrera) , Costa Rica

We want to salute and give our support to the struggle that workers in
Panama have recently developed. The unity of the different sectors shows
that the workers recognised that this is where their strength lies; it was
an effort by the working class to free itself from the framework imposed
by the unions and the organisations of the left of capital. The unions
play the role of negotiators, which is the reason for their existence, and
workers are the victims of this. But this does not mean that the
proletariat is defeated: it is taking up its international experience in
order to know how to confront the bourgeoisie and its agents with
accuracy. The unity in struggle that the workers of Panama have shown is
being accompanied by a resurgence of solidarity on the part of the working
class in different struggles. For some time now atomisation has reigned
and, although the efforts to overcome this have been isolated, they are
nonetheless important since they show the road that the struggle has to
take.
Thus spreading these struggles will be a step forwards for the working
class by bringing together different sectors, such as the banana workers
and students in Panama, and showing that workers in all sectors and all
countries are carrying out the same struggle with the same interests.

The banana workers
The banana workers are hit very hard by the most disgusting conditions of
exploitation. Here in Costa Rica they are subjected to all kinds of
pesticides, even including those that are illegal, and they have to work
in dangerous working conditions, such as with the threat of being bitten
by poisonous snakes. It is the same for the pineapple workers. The attack
on living conditions carried out by the bourgeoisie in Panama is the same
as that carried out in the rest of the world increasingly threatened by
the crisis. Faced with this the banana workers have carried out a struggle
that is valuable for the whole class.
The unions and organisations of the left, compromised on all sides by
parliamentarism and capitalist democracy, have ended up burying the
working class' efforts to develop its struggle. Thus, when there are no
movements, they call for strikes and demonstrations in order to be able to
undermine general discontent, and when struggles try to spread beyond one
sector, they take control of it. The unions as much as the leftist groups
call for calm and for democratic and 'peaceful' solutions that imprison
the workers on the terrain of the bourgeoisie, from whom these
'representatives' get a slice of the cake.
In Costa Rica, as happened in Panama, the negotiations in 2000 to end the
struggle against the "electricity Combo" took place when the leaders of
the unions and leftist groups became part of the negotiating commission
and thus prevented the workers developing their own autonomous mechanisms
of struggle and cleared the way for the police and their repression. A
struggle that the unions initially wanted to carry out for their own ends
was put under pressure by the workers when they took to the streets
demanding much more and calling on everyone to struggle. Many workers took
part independently of the unions; the neighbourhoods were self-organised
and there were confrontations with the police. The unions had to run to
catch up in order to control the strikes and to bring 'democratic' calm to
the country again and to try and erase the consciousness of hundreds of
thousands of workers and exploited people who had supported the strikes
and had shown that this protest movement had succeeded in spreading beyond
sectional interests.
Today all those leaders who supported the negotiation of the struggles
through a commission and called for peace and democracy are participating
in bourgeois elections and looking for parliamentary and union positions
in order to survive as part of this class, as its 'practical' layer. The
same story is repeated whenever there are efforts to develop struggles
that really defend class interests, as with May 68. Therefore, we must
unite our struggles beyond borders in order to be able to develop them and
in order that workers can discuss and gain the experience of the whole
class.

Sunday, September 05, 2010

[olympiaworkers] SeaSol - Victory: Lorig drops lawsuit, pays $22,000 to fired worker

Libcom.org Sep 4 2010

After thirteen months of aggressive actions, we have finally won our fight
against developer Lorig Associates. The have granted our "final offer"
demands, dropping their lawsuit against us and paying fired secretary
Patricia $22,000 in back-pay compensation (though they won't call it
that).

This fight has been longer and harder than any of us ever imagined it
would be. The company brought in a major nationwide union-busting law firm
to try and crush us with lawsuits against both our organization and three
individual brothers and sisters: Emily, Andrew, and Patricia. They tried
to get an injunction banning us from picketing, on pain of arrest. They
promised they would never give in to our demands.

Still we stood our ground and managed to keep up a never-ending series of
aggressive actions against the company. We repeatedly picketed many of
Lorig's for-rent and for-sale properties. We continually posted "Don't
Rent Here" flyers. We brought our message to Lorig-sponsored "open house"
events, industry events, and even charity events. We picketed and
addressed three different city councils who were considering hiring Lorig
for city developments. We contacted the owner's neighbors. We brought
Lorig's troubles to the attention of their financial backers at Bank of
America. The cost to Lorig in lost business, reputation, and legal
expenses has been huge. Now finally, after a full year of pressure,
they've had enough.

The strength to stick it out and win came from the unwavering solidarity
of a ton of SeaSol members, supporters, and allies. When Lorig started
suing people, no one ducked for cover - instead, more people stepped up.
To everyone who participated in the Lorig fight: THANK YOU! This is your
victory.

Thanks also to the lawyers Brendan Donckers and Keith Scully of Gendler &
Mann LLP, as well as to Dmitri Iglitzen and Jennifer Robbins of
workerlaw.com, who took a stand for freedom of speech by defending us for
free when Lorig tried to shut us down with a lawsuit.

http://www.seattlesolidarity.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=63

Saturday, September 04, 2010

[olympiaworkers] Fast food workers form union, hold action in Minneapolis

Libcom.org Sept 4 2010

Workers at the fast food chain Jimmy John's have formed and IWW-affiliated
union, presented demands for better wages and more control over
scheduling, and held large pickets in Minneapolis.

Jimmy Johns Labor Dispute Bursts onto National Stage with Coast-to-Coast
Actions Planned for Labor Day

More information can be found at http://jimmyjohnsworkers.org/front

MINNEAPOLIS- Faced with the refusal of Jimmy Johns franchise owners Mike
and Rob Mulligan to meet with their employees to discuss demands for
improvements to working conditions, the IWW Jimmy Johns Workers Union
announced today that it will coordinate a nation-wide Week of Action
beginning on Labor Day at Jimmy Johns locations across the United States
to pressure the Mulligans to come to the table.

"If Mike and Rob won't just sit down and meet with us, we feel we have no
other choice but to put pressure on them to listen. We are going to show
Jimmy John's corporate that if they don't ensure that their franchise
owners are respecting their employees, there will be consequences at the
national level," said Emily Przybylsky, a union member in Minneapolis.

The Jimmy Johns Workers Union will draw on the extensive network of the
Industrial Workers of the World labor organization to coordinate the
actions. Informational pickets and leafleting are planned so far in 32 of
39 states in which Jimmy Johns operates, with more to come.

In Minneapolis, the Union plans a series of actions over the weekend
culminating in a Labor Day Rally and free concert featuring local Hip Hop
icons Guante and I Self Divine.

The national corporate headquarters of Jimmy Johns has yet to respond to
the unionization campaign, the first at the expanding sandwich empire. The
union effort could have profound implications for other employers in the
fast food industry, a sector known for the lowest rate of unionization–
and lowest wages– in the United Sates. Only 1.8% of food service workers
were represented by a union in 2009, far below the nation-wide figure of
12.3%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The question of
unionization of the food and service industries is assuming greater focus
as employment in these non-union sectors increases, while manufacturing,
the traditional stronghold of unionization, continues to decline.

The demands of the IWW Jimmy Johns Workers Union include a pay increase to
above minimum wage, consistent scheduling and minimum shift lengths,
regularly scheduled breaks, sick days, no-nonsense workers compensation
for job-related injuries, an end to sexual harassment at work, and basic
fairness on the job.

The Jimmy Johns Workers Union, open to employees at the company
nationwide, is affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World labor
union. Gaining prominence in recent years for organizing Starbucks
workers, the IWW is a global union founded over a century ago for all
working people.

Wednesday, September 01, 2010

[olympiaworkers] Embodied Activism:Unpacking Our Practice and Building Our Power Learning Series-starting Saturday September 18-Fall 2010 to Spring 2011

Hi Sisters and Brothers,

Let folks know about the Embodied Activism: Unpacking Our Practice and Building Our Power learning series. It's available as a session, the series, a one-day workshop, or a two day Activism and Wellness retreat.

As a former College Professor (Labour History, Political Action, Worker-focused courses), current Labour and Community Development Educator, and a strong union advocate, I have designed this learning series to critically engage folks interested in progressive social transformation.

Some amazing folks have taken courses/workshops and learning series with me, including amazing feminist, indigenous activist Jessica Yee; d'bi young- 2 time Dora Award winning actor, dubpoet, and scholar; HipHop artist Ian Kamau, and many more.

Description of learning series:
Coming this Fall 2010 until Spring 2011- Embodied Activism bring activists, frontline workers, management, entrepreneurs, advocates, and anyone seeking a space for critical self-reflection, professional and personal development together.

In the learning series, we will critically explore the methods and strategies of social change, social innovation, community/organizational engagement, and creative intervention.

We will look at the tools and actions used by activists, advocates, educators, workers, entrepreneurs, academics, and community members.

Participants will move through creative sensory, mind and body activities and mindful dialogues that draw on their lived experiences and resource materials to deepen their self-awareness, 'unpack' and transform their practice.

•Session 1- Unpacking Our Practice
•Session 2- Dealing with Difficult Conversations
•Session 3- Role of Allies
•Session 4- Creative Interventions
•Session 5- Self-Awareness & Self-Care
•Session 6- Moving Forward: Building Our Power

If you and/or your organization wants to take part in this community building and knowledge sharing learning series, please send a detailed email to Tomee at tomee@tomeesojourner.com or Hirut at hirut@tomeesojourner.com.  We will work with you to bring the learning series to your organization, educational institution, and community.


The learning series is offered in Canada, U.S., and other countries.

The poster and registration form can be downloaded from www.tomeesojourner.com

Thanks and Solidarity,

Tomee Sojourner, M.A. Social Justice and Equity Studies


Tomee Sojourner Consulting
Motivational Speaker
Management & Organizational Development Consultant
Community Development Educator, Artist
Diversity & Inclusion Strategies Expert
Phone: (514) 487-3891/(416) 951-0154
tomee@tomeesojourner.com
www.tomeesojourner.com

[olympiaworkers] Embodied Activism:Unpacking Our Practice and Building Our Power Learning Series-starting Saturday September 18-Fall 2010 to Spring 2011

Hi Sisters and Brothers,

Let folks know about the Embodied Activism: Unpacking Our Practice and Building
Our Power learning series. It's available as a session, the series, a one-day
workshop, or a two day Activism and Wellness retreat.

As a former College Professor (Labour History, Political Action, Worker-focused
courses), current Labour and Community Development Educator, and a strong union
advocate, I have designed this learning series to critically engage folks
interested in progressive social transformation.

Some amazing folks have taken courses/workshops and learning series with me,
including amazing feminist, indigenous activist Jessica Yee; d'bi young- 2 time
Dora Award winning actor, dubpoet, and scholar; HipHop artist Ian Kamau, and
many more.

Description of learning series:
Coming this Fall 2010 until Spring 2011- Embodied Activism bring activists,
frontline workers, management, entrepreneurs, advocates, and anyone seeking a
space for critical self-reflection, professional and personal development
together.

In the learning series, we will critically explore the methods and strategies
of social change, social innovation, community/organizational engagement, and
creative intervention.

We will look at the tools and actions used by activists, advocates, educators,
workers, entrepreneurs, academics, and community members.

Participants will move through creative sensory, mind and body activities and
mindful dialogues that draw on their lived experiences and resource materials
to deepen their self-awareness, 'unpack' and transform their practice.

•Session 1- Unpacking Our Practice
•Session 2- Dealing with Difficult Conversations
•Session 3- Role of Allies
•Session 4- Creative Interventions
•Session 5- Self-Awareness & Self-Care
•Session 6- Moving Forward: Building Our Power

If you and/or your organization wants to take part in this community building
and knowledge sharing learning series, please send a detailed email to Tomee at
tomee@tomeesojourner.com or Hirut at hirut@tomeesojourner.com. We will work
with you to bring the learning series to your organization, educational
institution, and community.


The learning series is offered in Canada, U.S., and other countries.

The poster and registration form can be downloaded from www.tomeesojourner.com

Thanks and Solidarity,

Tomee Sojourner, M.A. Social Justice and Equity Studies


Tomee Sojourner Consulting
Motivational Speaker
Management & Organizational Development Consultant
Community Development Educator, Artist
Diversity & Inclusion Strategies Expert
Phone: (514) 487-3891/(416) 951-0154
tomee@tomeesojourner.com
www.tomeesojourner.com